HISTÓRIA DA "CARTA PARA GARCIA" CONTADA PELO AUTOR

THIS literary trifle, A Message to Garcia was written one evening after supper, in a single hour. It was on the Twenty-second of February, Eighteen Hundred Ninety-nine, Washington's Birthday, and we were just going to press with the March Philistine. The thing leaped hot from my heart, written after a trying day, when I had been endeavoring to train some rather delinquent villagers to abjure the comatose state and get radioactive. The immediate suggestion, though, came from a little argument over the teacups, when my boy Bert suggested that Rowan was the real hero of the Cuban War. Rowan had gone alone and done the thing - carried the message to Garcia. It came to me like a flash! Yes, the boy is right, the hero is the man who does his work- who carries the message to Garcia.

I got up from the table, and wrote A Message to Garia. I thought so little of it that we ran it in the Magazine without a heading. The edition went out, and soon orders began to come for extra copies

of the March Philistine, a dozen, fifty, a hundred; and when the American News Company ordered a thousand, I asked one of my helpers which article it was that had stirred up the cosmic dust. "It's the stuff about Garcia," he said.

The next day a telegram came from George H. Daniels, of the New York Central Railroad, thus: "Give price on one hundred thousand Rowan article in pamphlet form Empire State Express advertisement on back also how soon can ship."

I replied giving price, and stated we could supply the pamphlets in two years. Our facilities were small and a hundred thousand booklets looked like an awful undertaking.

The result was that I gave Mr. Daniels permission to reprint the article in his own way. He issued it in booklet form in editions

of half a million. Two or three of these half-million lots were sent out by Mr. Daniels, and in addition the article was reprinted in over two hundred magazines and newspapers. It has been translated into all written languages.

At the time Mr. Daniels was distributing the Message to Garcia, Prince Hilarkoff, Director of Russian Railways, was in this country. He was the guest of the New York Central, and made a tour of the

country under the personal direction of Mr. Daniels. The Prince saw the little book and was interested in it, more because Mr. Daniels was putting it out in such big numbers, probably, than otherwise.

In any event, when he got home he had the matter translated into Russian, and a copy of the booklet given to every railroad employee in Russia.

Other countries then took it up, and from Russia it passed into Germany, France, Spain, Turkey, Hindustan and China. During the war between Russia and Japan, every Russian soldier who went to the front was given a copy of the Message to Garcia. The Japanese, finding the booklets in possession of the Russian prisoners, concluded that it must be a good thing, and accordingly translated it into Japanese. And on an order of the Mikado, a copy was given to every man in the employ of the Japanese Government, soldier or civilian.

Over forty million copies of A Message to Garcia have been printed. This is said to be a larger circulation than any other literary venture has ever attained during the lifetime of the author, in all history - thanks to a series of lucky accidents.

E.H.

A MESSAGE TO GARCIA

Elbert Hubbard
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In all this Cuban business there is one man stands out on the horizon of my memory like Mars at perihelion. When war broke out between Spain and the United States, it was very necessary to communicate quickly with the leader of the insurgents. Garcia was somewhere in the mountain fastnesses of Cuba no one knew where. No mail or telegraph message could reach him. The President must secure his co-operation, and quickly.


What to do!


Someone said to the President, "There is a fellow by the name of Rowan will find Garcia for you, if anybody can." Rowan was sent for and given a letter to be delivered to Garcia. How the "fellow by the name of Rowan” took the letter, sealed it up in an oilskin pouch, strapped it over his heart, in four days landed by night off the coast of Cuba from an open boat, disappeared into the jungle, and in three weeks came out on the other side of the Island, having traversed a hostile country on foot, and delivered his letter to Garcia - are things I have no special desire now to tell in detail. The point that I wish to make is this: McKinley gave Rowan a letter to be delivered to Garcia; Rowan took the letter and did not ask, where is he at?"


By the Eternal! there is a man whose form should be cast in deathless bronze and the statue placed in every college of the land. It is not book-learning young men need, nor instruction about this and that, but a stiffening of the vertebrae which will cause them to be loyal to a trust, to act promptly, concentrate their energies: do the thing - "Carry a message to Garcia”.


General Garcia is dead now, but there are other Garcias. No man who has endeavored to carry out an enterprise where many hands were needed, but has been well-nigh appalled at times by the imbecility of the average man the inability or unwillingness to concentrate on a thing and do it.


Slipshod assistance, foolish inattention, dowdy indifference, and half-hearted work seem the rule; and no man succeeds, unless by hook or crook or threat he forces or bribes other men to assist him; or mayhap, God In His goodness performs a miracle, and sends him an Angel of Light for an assistant.


You, reader, put this matter to a test: You are sitting now in your office - six clerks are within call. Summon any one and make this request: "Please look in the encyclopedia and make a brief memorandum for me concerning the life of Correggio."


Will the clerk quietly say, "Yes, sir”, and go do the task?


On your life he will not. He will look at you out of a fishy eye and ask one or more of the following questions:


Who was he?Which encyclopedia?


Where is the encyclopedia?


Was I hired for that?


Don't you mean Bismarck?


What's the matter with Charlie doing it?


Is he dead?


Is there any hurry?


Sha’n’t I bring you the book and let you look it up yourself?


What do you want to know for?


nd I will lay you ten to one that after you have answered the questions, and explained how to find the information, and why you want it, the clerk will go off and get one of the other clerks to help him try to find Garcia and then come back and tell you there is no such man. Of course I may lose my bet, but according to the


Law of Average I will not.


Now, if you are wise, you will not bother to explain to your "assistant" that Correggio is indexed under the C's, not in the K's, but you will smile very sweetly and say, "Never mind” and go look it up yourself. And this incapacity for independent action, this moral stupidity, this infirmity of the will, this unwillingness to cheerfully catch hold and lift these are the things that put pure Socialism so far into the future. If men will not act for themselves, what will they do when the benefit of their effort is for all? A first mate with knotted club seems necessary; and the dread of getting "the bounce" Saturday night holds many a worker to his place. Advertise for a stenographer, and nine out of ten who apply can neither spell nor punctuate and do not think it necessary to. Can such a one write a letter to Garcia?


"You see that bookkeeper”, said the foreman to me in a large factory.


"Yes; what about him?"


"Well, he's a fine accountant, but if I'd send him up town on an errand, he might accomplish the errand all right, and on the other hand, might stop at four saloons on the way, and when he got to Main Street would forget what he had been sent for."


Can such a man be entrusted to carry a message to Garcia?


We have recently been hearing much maudlin sympathy expressed for the "downtrodden denizens of the sweatshop" and the "homeless wanderer searching for honest employment," and with it all often go many hard words for the men in power.


Nothing is said about the employer who grows old before his time in a vain attempt to get frowsy ne'er-do-wells to do intelligent work; and his long, patient striving after "help" that does nothing but loaf


when his back is turned. In every store and factory there is a constant weedingout process going on. The employer is constantly sending away "help" that have shown their incapacity to further the interests of the business, and others are being taken on. No matter how good times are, this sorting continues: only, if times are hard and work is scarce, the sorting is done finer but out and forever out the incompetent and unworthy go. It is the survival of the fittest.


Self-interest prompts every employer to keep the best - those who can, carry a message to Garcia.


I know one man of really brilliant parts who has not the ability to manage a business of his own, and yet who is absolutely worthless to anyone else, because he carries with him constantly the insane suspicion that his employer is oppressing, or intending to oppress, him. He cannot give orders, and he will not receive them. Should a message be given him to take to Garcia, his answer would probably be, "Take it yourself !"


Tonight this man walks the streets looking for work, the wind whistling through his threadbare coat. No one who knows him dare employ him, for he is a regular firebrand of discontent. He is impervious to reason, and the only thing that can impress him is the toe of a thick-soled Number Nine boot.


Of course, I know that one so morally deformed is no less to be pitied than a physical cripple; but in our pitying let us drop a tear, too, for the men who are striving to carry on a great enterprise, whose working hours are not limited by the whistle, and whose hair is fast turning white through the struggle to hold in line dowdy indifference, slipshod imbecility, and the heartless ingratitude which, but for their enterprise, would be both hungry and homeless.


Have I put the matter too strongly? Possibly I have; but when all the world has gone a-slumming I wish to speak a word of sympathy for the man who succeeds the man who, against great odds, has directed the efforts of others, and haying succeeded, finds there's nothing in it: nothing but bare board and clothes. I have carried a dinner-pail and worked for day's wages, and I have also been an employer of labor, and I know there is something to be said on both sides. There is no excellence, per se, in poverty; rags are no recommendation; and all employers are not rapacious and high-handed, any more than all poor men are virtuous. My hear goes out to the man who does his work when the “boss" Is away, as well as when he is at home. And the man who, when given a letter for Garcia, quietly takes the missive, without asking any idiotic questions, and with no lurking intention of chucking it into the nearest sewer, or of doing aught else but deliver it, never gets "laid off” nor has to go on a strike for higher wages. Civilization is one long, anxious search for just such individuals. Anything such a man asks shall be granted. He is wanted in every city, town and village in every office, shop, store and factory. The world cries out for such; he is needed and needed badly the man who can "Carry a Message to Garcia”.
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MENSAGEM DO 1º DE DEZEMBRO DE D. DUARTE DE BRAGANÇA

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Na perspectiva histórica de um País com perto de 900 anos, o penoso caminhar numa crise comparável à vivida nos tempos da I República cujo centenário este ano faustosamente se comemorou, permite-nos retirar diversas conclusões.


Comecemos pela circunstância de a República, fundada pela força que derrubou um Regime Democrático, nunca, até aos nossos dias, haver sido legitimada pelo voto popular.

Significativo é, também, o facto de o regime republicano, nas suas várias expressões, não ter tido capacidade para resolver nenhum dos problemas de que acusava a Monarquia e o facto de que as Democracias mais desenvolvidas e estáveis da Europa serem Monarquias.

As nossas três Repúblicas do séc. XX nasceram de três golpes militares após os quais os governantes se lançaram a reorganizar a sociedade, com os resultados que agora estão à vista.

Como herdeiro dos reis de Portugal, eu represento um outro princípio, o princípio da liberdade e não o da coerção. Chegou a hora de a sociedade livremente dizer que Estado quer. Em vários reinos do Norte da Europa ouvi destacados políticos afirmarem que "vivemos em República, mas o nosso Rei é o melhor defensor da nossa República".

Deixo aqui uma mensagem aos monárquicos, aos convictos que, hoje, são a minoria mas, segundo as sondagens, serão a maioria no futuro que se aproxima.
Quero lembrar que essas sondagens chegam a referir 20%, 30% ou 40% de monárquicos, conforme as perguntas são feitas, percentagens tanto mais valiosas quanto resultam da escolha de pessoas livres e não de propagandas de partidos ou de movimentos sem transparência.

Quero agradecer-vos a generosidade, o entusiasmo, e a dedicação quando içam nas ruas a bandeira das Quinas com a Coroa e quero dizer-vos que continuarei a acompanhá-los, como sucedeu no 5 de Outubro em Guimarães, o dia da independência nacional.

A situação humilhante em que a Nação se encontra perante nós próprios e a comunidade internacional obriga-nos a reflectir sobre novos modelos de desenvolvimento económico e de vida em sociedade, inspirados no bem comum.

Com efeito, a expectativa inicial do projecto europeu que a generalidade dos membros abraçou e que se assumiu, na sua origem, como um projecto de cooperação entre Estados - com os mais ricos a ajudarem os mais pobres - corre o risco de passar, rapidamente, de miragem a tragédia, com os mais fortes a ditarem regras e a impor sanções aos mais vulneráveis.

Neste contexto de incerteza e preocupação, são, por isso, cada vez mais as vozes autorizadas que preconizam a necessidade da reforma do modelo de desenvolvimento económico global. A reactivação estratégica de uma agricultura sustentável e ecologicamente equilibrada é fundamental para enfrentarmos com segurança os desafios actuais, como há pouco tempo lembrou o Papa Bento XVI .

Precisamos de um novo modelo para conseguir maior felicidade e bem-estar com menor desperdício de recursos, que deverão ser melhor e mais justamente partilhados, para que a ninguém falte o essencial.

Havendo tantas necessidades de apoio às populações seria desejável dinamizar as antigas tradições de voluntariado, recorrendo também aos serviços dos beneficiários de subsídios do Estado, como condição para receberem esses subsídios. Receber subsídios sem dar a sua contribuição para a sociedade equivale a receber esmolas, o que não é bom .

Portugal não pode cair no desânimo a que nos conduzem os constantes e confusos acontecimentos políticos nacionais amplamente noticiados.

É fundamental acreditar no Futuro e partilhar Esperança, nunca nos esquecendo de onde viemos e para onde queremos ir.

Para isso há que cultivar os exemplos de competência, seriedade e coragem na defesa de ideais, combatendo a falta de autenticidade que, infelizmente, constitui uma das mais comuns e perversas características do nosso tempo.

Quem está na Política deve ter como primeiro e último objectivo SERVIR a Pátria e, em particular, permitir a valorização dos mais desfavorecidos.

E para esta valorização ser possível, teremos de repensar todo o nosso sistema educativo, do pré-primário ao superior, adaptando os cursos às necessidades profissionais actuais e futuras e criando - com suporte da rede de ensino privado e cooperativo - condições às famílias com menos recursos para poderem escolher os estabelecimentos que gostariam que os seus filhos frequentassem, sem que tal venha a implicar aumento de encargos para o Estado.

Tenho visitado muitas escolas onde me explicam que os programas são desajustados às realidades actuais e às saídas profissionais, e particularmente aos jovens com problemas de adaptação. O “Cheque Ensino” seria uma solução para estes problemas, permitindo às famílias escolher a oferta escolar mais adaptada às necessidades dos seus filhos, evitando a discriminação económica actual e promovendo a qualidade do ensino através de uma saudável concorrência.

Só desta forma conseguiremos melhorar efectivamente o nível médio cultural, académico e profissional da população com vista ao progressivo desenvolvimento e engrandecimento do País e não com fim exclusivamente estatístico.

Na sua longa História, Portugal foi grande quando se lhe depararam desafios que envolveram projectos galvanizadores de verdadeira dimensão nacional. Nessas alturas, os portugueses sempre souberam responder com criatividade, entusiasmo e coragem.

Hoje, é no Mar e na Lusofonia que a nossa atenção deve ser focada como áreas de eleição para realizar um projecto de futuro para o País e para a Comunidade dos Países de Língua Oficial Portuguesa. Afinal, são estas duas vertentes que, desde o início da Expansão Marítima Portuguesa, com períodos de maior ou menor brilho, maior ou menor envolvimento, têm vindo a constituir o nosso Desígnio.

O prestigiado Jean Ziegler, meu professor em Genebra, ensinava que existem dois caminhos para desenvolver os povos. O primeiro começava pela educação profissional, académica e ética da população , que iria desenvolver o país e conduzi-lo ao enriquecimento. O segundo caminho consistia em injectar dinheiro estrangeiro na economia. Os governantes criariam grandes infra-estruturas, enriquecendo-se alguns deles no processo, e a população compraria bens de consumo importados, enriquecendo o comércio. Mas no fim, essa nação estaria endividada e a classe média empobrecida porque as capacidades de produção teriam
diminuído.

Infelizmente é esta a nossa realidade recente.

Deixo para os especialistas apontarem os factores da crise que nos fustiga, fazerem os diagnósticos acertados, apontarem as vias de solução. Mas não posso deixar de dizer que é urgente arrepiarmos o caminho que nos trouxe à gravíssima crise económica e financeira que atravessamos, como venho denunciando desde há anos.

Foi justamente neste sentido que, este ano, pela segunda vez, promovi, no âmbito da Comissão D. Carlos 100 Anos, a organização do Congresso “Mares da Lusofonia” que permitiu uma participada reflexão, com representantes de todos os Países da CPLP presentes, acerca da valia dos mares e das Plataformas Continentais dos países lusófonos nas vertentes estratégica, de segurança, jurídica, ambiental, científica, tecnológica e económica.

A intensificação do intercâmbio de conhecimentos da sociedade civil e o fortalecimento das relações afectivas entre os nossos países contribuirá decisivamente para a supressão das barreiras que ainda existem.

Recentemente visitei o Brasil, pátria de minha Mãe, onde, em Brasília, tive a feliz oportunidade de contactar alguns membros do seu Governo.

Transmiti os meus sinceros votos de sucesso à recém-eleita Presidente Dilma Russef .

Percebi que lá existe uma grande abertura à ideia de uma futura Confederação de Estados Lusófonos, que muito beneficiaria todos os seus membros e cuja adesão não comprometeria as alianças regionais existentes. O facto do Reino Unido pertencer à Commonwealth não prejudica a sua participação na União Europeia mas valoriza-a .

Ainda sobre a importância da afectividade que naturalmente se cultiva na Comunidade Lusófona, virá a propósito salientar a decisão do Governo de Timor " país a que me ligam relações de profunda amizade" quando, há semanas, declarou o seu auxílio a Portugal na compra de parte da nossa dívida pública, num gesto de fraternal amizade. Do mesmo modo, tenho indicações de que muito nos beneficiaria negociar com o Brasil um empréstimo para resolver a crise da dívida pública soberana em melhores condições do que com o FMI ou a Europa.

Para concluir, gostaria de transmitir a todos os portugueses uma mensagem de ânimo:

Não vos deixeis abater pela situação de dificuldade económica e crise moral que actualmente nos invade.

Lembrai-vos que tivemos momentos bem mais graves na nossa História em que a perenidade da Instituição Real foi suporte decisivo para a recuperação conseguida.

A dinastia, baseada na família, oferece o referencial de continuidade de que Portugal está carente há cem anos.

Viva Portugal!
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O BOM SAMARITANO, VICENTE, A FÉNIX DA APL, HISTÓRIAS DE ENCANTAR, E HANS CHRISTIAN ANDERSON

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Com a idade, as pessoas têm tendência para se repetir. Infelizmente, não sou excepção a confirmar a regra. Esforço-me para não falar ene vezes na mesma coisa e, mesmo assim, tenho recidivas. Mas hoje tenho justificação. Não por me ter tornado aficionado de corvos, mas porque há desenvolvimentos que criam situações novas, ou seja, não me repito: qual músico de Jazz, inovo sobre o mesmo tema. Vou falar outra vez do Vicente, habitué na área envolvente do Museu da Electricidade. Vicente não é um corvo qualquer. Mesmo que fosse, valia a pena falar dele muitas vezes. Mas Vicente tem uma história! Quase tão linda como o brilho das penas.

Hoje assisti outra vez ao espectáculo da refeição da ave, servida por um waiter completamente fascinante, como o passeriforme. Não resisti e meti conversa.

Então, o reformado pescador frustrado, sobre quem teci algumas considerações jocosas – devia estar calado quando o fiz – contou-me a história do “seu” Vicente.

Encontrou-o ali, há cerca de ano e meio, doente, agonizante, quase morto. Vítima das mais odiosas sevícias das gaivotas. Até os insignificantes pardais o molestavam, qual fábula do leão moribundo e do burro. Só que o leão, neste caso, nem forças tinha para lançar o último rugido. Com as penas das asas cortadas, sem poder voar, esperava morte rápida para acabar com tamanha humilhação. Ele, capaz de desancar quatro ou cinco corpulentas gaivotas!

Tinha sido estupidamente transformado em animal doméstico por gente medonha que lhe cortou as penas das asas para não fugir. Adoeceu, e tais biltres nem sequer tiveram a digna coragem de o abater. Abandonaram-no naquele jardim, assim aliviando a consciência do comportamento ignóbil, deixando-o exposto ao sofrimento da humilhação, pior que o físico.

O meu interlocutor levou-o para casa, tratou-lhe as feridas, alimentou-o e, como a sua mulher trabalhava numa empresa da indústria farmacêutica, arranjou vitaminas que, ingénua mas amorosamente, lhe dava, na esperança de acelerar a recuperação do enfermo.

Ingénuamente mas, por razões não esclarecidas, não é que o amigo começou a melhorar e, em duas semanas, estava como novo? Intervenção do além, comovido com tal generosidade? Inesperada evolução ditada pelas leis misteriosas do universo? Não sei. Mas fiquei a saber que Vicente, mesmo sem asas cortadas, não abandonava o novo lar!

As aparências enganam e aquele nobre samaritano teve discernimento para pensar que a vontade do Vicente, de se tornar quase em ave de gaiola, não podia satisfazer. Os pais têm muitas vezes de, contrariados, não satisfazer os desejos dos filhos, mesmo que seja fácil satisfazê-los. O samaritano pensou bem. Acolhê-lo e tratá-lo numa aflição, sim. Deixá-lo perder dignidade, não. Mesmo que tal fosse doloroso, tinha de devolvê-lo à liberdade não desejada.

Um belo dia, pegou nele, pousou-o na relva próxima do Museu da Electricidade, e disse: ”Vai à vida Vicente. Desejo-te as maiores felicidades”. O que deve ser é uma coisa, e o que é, é outra. Vicente foi à vida, mas não esqueceu o benfeitor. Percebeu que ele ia ali todos os dias dar banho à minhoca e fez um plano: diariamente iria vê-lo. Assim fez e venceu a lucidez do benfeitor, enamorado pela ave. Começou a trazer-lhe uma pêra ou maçã, depois queques, depois amendoins, depois, blá, blá, blá. Hoje o samaritano gasta mais de seis euros por dia para apaparicar o filho adoptado.

Bonito, não é?

Muito bonito!

Mas as coisas não são tão simples assim. Há os sábados e os domingos. Vicente não tem calendário e, por isso, pode não perceber porque ele não aparece nesses dias. Samaritano passa a ir lá, mesmo sem dar banho à minhoca, para apaparicar Vicente.

Vicente é”humano”. Errar é próprio do homem. Um dia, tem um devaneio não esclarecido e deixa de aparecer. Os queques regressam a casa primeiro e, depois, são simplesmente deitados ao lixo porque a comida do Vicente não passa na garganta do samaritano saudoso.

Duas semanas mais tarde, súbita e inesperadamente, quando o bom samaritano sai do carro, surge Vicente eufórico a cantar em altos berros! Teve saudades, não dos queques, mas do benfeitor. Benfeitor não pode conter as lágrimas com tal alegria. Lágrimas que voltaram hoje ao contar-me a história. Também eu estava quase a chorar e volto agora a estar, ao escrever isto!

História digna de inspirar um contador a valer de histórias para crianças. Digna de inspirar Hans Christian Andersen. Mas Andersen está morto e não anda por aí ninguém capaz de pegar nisto capazmente. Alguém acabará por estragar a história, com um conto pindérico.

Falta-me uma fotografia do samaritano. Na atrapalhação emocional decorrente de o ouvir, até me esqueci de lhe pedir para posar. Amanhã peço-lhe e vou dar-lhe a fotografia do Vicente mais uma cópia do poema de Edgar Allan Poe traduzido por Fernando Pessoa. Estou a ver os leitores a pensar que o homem não “mete dente” naquilo. Errado!

Aquele homem generoso, que pesca alpercatas no Tejo, faz parte de um grupo de pescadores que se deslocam para lá em triciclos “Piaggio”, em ciclomotores a cair aos bocados, até a pé. Aquele homem tem a cana de pesca enfiada num buraco do cais, enquanto cuida do Vicente e espera em vão por um peixe suicida. Faz parte de um grupo que tem direito a ouvir a “ronca” do ferry da Trafaria quando este se aproxima, para poderem retirar as linhas da água a tempo de o mestre não lhes estragar as artes porque, do alto da embarcação, não as vê. Aquele homem tem um Mercedes-Benz. Conhece a história da viagem dos restos mortais do mártir S. Vicente, do Algarve até Lisboa, numa nau escoltada e guiada por dois corvos, muito melhor do que eu. Aquele homem é muito mais culto do que nós todos juntos.

Poesia de Allan Poe? É canja para ele!

Preservation Society

A QUESTÃO DOS SUBMARINOS

CHARTER 08

I. Foreword



A hundred years have passed since the writing of China’s first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of the Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.


By departing from these values, the Chinese government’s approach to “modernization” has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.


The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called “the greatest changes in thousands of years” for China. A “self-strengthening movement” followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China’s humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China’s system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China’s imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia’s first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.


The failure of both “self- strengthening” and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a “cultural illness” was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of “science and democracy.” Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.


Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The “new China” that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that “the people are sovereign” but in fact set up a system in which “the Party is all-powerful.” The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966–1969), the June Fourth [Tiananmen Square] Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens’ rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.


During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of “Reform and Opening” gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era, and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of “rights” to a partial acknowledgment of them.


In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase “respect and protect human rights”; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a “national human rights action plan.” Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.


The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.


As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.


II. Our Fundamental Principles


This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:


Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.


Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China’s recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime’s disregard for human rights.


Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.


Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of “fairness in all under heaven.” It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.


Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics: (1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. (2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make. (3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections. (4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”


Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.


III. What We Advocate


Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an “enlightened overlord” or an “honest official” and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens’ rights, and social development:


1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China’s democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.


2. Separation of Powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.


3. Legislative Democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.


4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.


5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations must be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.


6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There must be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one should suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of “Reeducation through Labor” must be abolished.


7. Election of Public Officials. There should be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on “one person, one vote.” The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.


8. Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.


9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be “approved,” should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.


10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.


11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to “the crime of incitement to subvert state power” must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.


12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief, and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.


13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens’ rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.


14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.


15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government—central, provincial, county or local—are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.


16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.


17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendants and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of nongovernmental organizations.


18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.


19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.


China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China’s own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.


Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens’ movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.


—Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link


Postscript


The planning and drafting of Charter 08 began in the late spring of 2008, but Chinese authorities were apparently unaware of it or unconcerned by it until several days before it was announced on December 10. On December 6, Wen Kejian, a writer who signed the charter, was detained in the city of Hangzhou in eastern China and questioned for about an hour. Police told Wen that Charter 08 was “different” from earlier dissident statements, and “a fairly grave matter.” They said there would be a coordinated investigation in all cities and provinces to “root out the organizers,” and they advised Wen to remove his name from the charter. Wen declined, telling the authorities that he saw the charter as a fundamental turning point in history.


Meanwhile, on December 8, in Shenzhen in the far south of China, police called on Zhao Dagong, a writer and signer of the charter, for a “chat.” They told Zhao that the central authorities were concerned about the charter and asked if he was the organizer in the Shenzhen area.


Later on December 8, at 11 PM in Beijing, about twenty police entered the home of Zhang Zuhua, one of the charter’s main drafters. A few of the police took Zhang with them to the local police station while the rest stayed and, as Zhang’s wife watched, searched the home and confiscated books, notebooks, Zhang’s passport, all four of the family’s computers, and all of their cash and credit cards. (Later Zhang learned that his family’s bank accounts, including those of both his and his wife’s parents, had been emptied.) Meanwhile, at the police station, Zhang was detained for twelve hours, where he was questioned in detail about Charter 08 and the group Chinese Human Rights Defenders in which he is active.


It was also late on December 8 that another of the charter’s signers, the literary critic and prominent dissident Liu Xiaobo, was taken away by police. His telephone in Beijing went unanswered, as did e-mail and Skype messages sent to him. As of the present writing, he’s believed to be in police custody, although the details of his detention are not known.


On the morning of December 9, Beijing lawyer Pu Zhiqiang was called in for a police “chat,” and in the evening the physicist and philosopher Jiang Qisheng was called in as well. Both had signed the charter and were friends of the drafters. On December 10—the day the charter was formally announced—the Hangzhou police returned to the home of Wen Kejian, the writer they had questioned four days earlier. This time they were more threatening. They told Wen he would face severe punishment if he wrote about the charter or about Liu Xiaobo’s detention. “Do you want three years in prison?” they asked. “Or four?”


On December 11 the journalist Gao Yu and the writer Liu Di, both well-known in Beijing, were interrogated about their signing of the Charter. The rights lawyer, Teng Biao, was approached by the police but declined, on principle, to meet with them. On December 12 and 13 there were reports of interrogations in many provinces—Shaanxi, Hunan, Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong, and others—of people who had seen the charter on the Internet, found that they agreed with it, and signed. With these people the police focused on two questions: “How did you get involved?” and “What do you know about the drafters and organizers?”


The Chinese authorities seem unaware of the irony of their actions. Their efforts to quash Charter 08 only serve to underscore China’s failure to uphold the very principles that the charter advances. The charter calls for “free expression” but the regime says, by its actions, that it has once again denied such expression. The charter calls for freedom to form groups, but the nationwide police actions that have accompanied the charter’s release have specifically aimed at blocking the formation of a group. The charter says “we should end the practice of viewing words as crimes,” and the regime says (literally, to Wen Kejian) “we can send you to prison for these words.” The charter calls for the rule of law and the regime sends police in the middle of the night to act outside the law; the charter says “police should serve as nonpartisans,” and here the police are plainly partisan.


Charter 08 is signed only by citizens of the People’s Republic of China who are living inside China. But Chinese living outside China are signing a letter of strong support for the charter. The eminent historian Yu Ying-shih, the astrophysicist Fang Lizhi, writers Ha Jin and Zheng Yi, and more than 160 others have so far signed.


On December 12, the Dalai Lama issued his own letter in support of the charter, writing that “a harmonious society can only come into being when there is trust among the people, freedom from fear, freedom of expression, rule of law, justice, and equality.” He called on the Chinese government to release prisoners “who have been detained for exercising their freedom of expression.”
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